Manmohan Singh breathed his last on December 26 at Delhi’s All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS), marking the end of an extraordinary and exhaustive stint in public life that shaped India’s journey as a modern liberalised democracy. A technocrat who graduated from the lofty circles of academia to the sequestered realms of policy-planning and the grubby world of politics, Manmohan Singh’s long and illustrious career stands unparalleled in its impact on public policy-making in India.
India will remember its 14th Prime Minister for his incorruptibility and an unwavering commitment to the ideas and ideals he held dear. It was a quality that set him apart from his peers; a politician who was somehow above the murky milieu of politics. While he may not have been popularly elected as Prime Minister in 2004, his leadership won the trust of even those disillusioned with politics, culminating in the Congress securing a larger majority in the 2009 general elections. His honesty, academic brilliance, decency, and politeness made him a respected figure, particularly among the urban middle class.
But his gentle demeanour concealed a steely resolve and pragmatism, which was evident during the 25 years from the 1970s to 1991, as he worked with leaders as diverse as Indira Gandhi, Morarji Desai, and Rajiv Gandhi in various capacities as a key architect of India’s economic policies. Despite being one of Indira Gandhi’s key advisers during the Emergency, Morarji Desai appointed him as Secretary in the Department of Economic Affairs under the Finance Ministry after the Congress’s defeat in the general elections.
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Singh managed to navigate those turbulent years due to his competence and a remarkable ability to disengage when necessary – an attribute he demonstrated throughout his career. He once threatened to quit as an adviser in the commerce ministry during Indira Gandhi’s tenure when he refused to endorse a proposal by Commerce Minister L. N. Mishra for submission to the Union Cabinet. Singh was ultimately persuaded to remain in his position after an intervention from the PMO.
Again, as RBI Governor, a position he was appointed to during Indira Gandhi’s tenure after the Janata Party government was defeated, Singh had differences with Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee. The government wanted the RBI to grant a licence to the Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI), a foreign bank promoted by Pakistani businessman Aga Hasan Abedi, to open branches in India. Singh opposed this move and advised the government against it. However, the government took the proposal to the Cabinet to strip the RBI of its power to license foreign banks. Upset, Singh sent his resignation letter to both the Prime Minister and Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee, who, in later years, would report to Singh when he became Prime Minister, in a reversal of roles. But once again, he was persuaded to withdraw his resignation.
Singh literally carried the threat of resignation in his pocket, perhaps confident in the belief that both his alma mater, Panjab University, and the University of Delhi were constantly pursuing him as a teacher. It was with this confidence that he took over as Finance Minister during PV Narasimha Rao’s tenure, an iconic period during which he introduced reforms and opened up India’s economy to the world. He was as surprised by his selection as some of Rao’s own colleagues, who did not believe Rao supported economic reforms. “I had no inkling that Rao was in favour of liberalisation based on his past record,” Singh said.
But even here, Singh was conscious of the entire plan backfiring on him, given the stiff opposition to the move from both ends of the political spectrum. “He (Rao) also jokingly told me that if things worked well, we would all claim credit and if things didn’t work out well, I would be sacked,” Singh said.
By this time, the transition from being a technocrat/adviser to a politician was almost complete with his election to the Rajya Sabha in 1991 and again in 1995. The Congress lost the general election in 1996. In 1999, the only time Singh ran for the general elections from South Delhi, he managed it with his meagre resources, even borrowing money from friends for election expenses.
Singh lost that election but remained a member of the Rajya Sabha, serving as the Leader of Opposition in 2004 when the Congress, along with its allies in the United Progressive Alliance (UPA), defeated the BJP in the general elections. When Sonia Gandhi refused to take on the role of Prime Minister due to the stiff opposition she faced, Singh became her natural choice. He was a politician, but not a seasoned operative like Sharad Pawar or Pranab Mukherjee, who might have challenged her authority.
Singh worked well with Sonia Gandhi in the first term, implementing historic initiatives such as MGNREGA, the Right to Education Act, the Right to Information Act, and a massive ₹72,000-crore farm loan waiver, which not only steered the economy through the aftermath of the global economic meltdown but also helped the Congress return to power in 2009. Although the pace of reforms slowed, largely due to pressure from the Left parties supporting the government, the economy grew steadily by 7.74 per cent annually.
But things started unravelling in Singh’s second tenure as his health deteriorated, and Sonia Gandhi also faced health challenges. Veteran Congressman Mani Shankar Aiyar reflected on that period in his book, A Maverick in Politics, suggesting that if Pranab Mukherjee had been Prime Minister instead of Manmohan Singh, UPA II might not have unravelled as it did towards the end.
Singh has been criticised for not taking action when scams unfolded around him or when the Congress faced political crises. But he firmly believed that history would judge him more kindly. The widespread grief expressed across political parties and the public suggests that he was indeed right.